Wednesday, March 04, 2015

Hill of resistance


At the annual Niyam Raja Parab, Dongria Kondhs and other tribal people renew their pledge to carry on the fight against bauxite mining in the Niyamgiri hill. By PRAFULLA DAS in Niyamgiri

ANYONE who reaches the top of the Niyamgiri hill in Odisha after several hours of trekking to be part of the annual Niyam Raja Parab celebrated there by thousands of Dongria Kondh (also known as Dangaria Kandha) tribal people can easily sense the strength of their uprising.
All the pain caused by the trek vanishes instantaneously upon seeing the huge plateau on the hilltop resonating to chants such as “Paaen, Pawan, Jharan, Dangar, Sabu Nijara” (Water, air, streams, hills, slopes, are all ours) accompanied by rhythmic drumbeats and dancing by the Dongrias before their Niyam Raja, the presiding deity of Niyamgiri forests.
The Dongria Kondhs living in this bauxite-rich hill range derive their strength from their innate simplicity and love for nature. This is reflected in their traditional wear and their ability to walk miles in the hilly terrain barefoot.
Millions of tonnes of bauxite lies beneath the Niyamgiri plateau, which is situated at an altitude of nearly 5,000 feet (1,500 metres). As many as 112 villages are strewn across the slopes of the range, spread over the districts of Kalahandi and Rayagada in the south-western part of the State.
Their opposition to mining in the Niyamgiri range for bauxite has got a shot in the arm in recent years with the age-old traditional cultural festival turning into a show of unity by the tribal people and other forest dwellers.
The Niyam Raja Parab, which used to be a low-key affair in the past, now attracts thousands of tribal people living in the hill range. The uprising started in 2003 against the proposal by Vedanta Resources plc to source bauxite for its alumina refinery, situated at the foothills of Niyamgiri.
The three-day Parab begins with hundreds of Dongria men and women draped in their traditional attire assembling on the plateau to sing and dance, sip salap (their indigenous brew), eat together, spend the night under the star-studded sky and worship and pray to Niyam Raja to protect them.
The festival culminates with a few animal sacrifices before Niyam Raja. The tribal people also sacrifice a buffalo to the deity once in three years. This did not happen this time as it was done only last year.
This year’s Parab, however, was different from the preceding ones. At the end of the festival on February 22, hundreds of tribal people joined a large group of anti-displacement activists from different parts of Odisha and burnt copies of the controversial Ordinance relating to the amendments in the Right to Fair Compensation and Transparency in Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement Act, 2013, recently promulgated by the Narendra Modi government.
The screening of a documentary film titled “The Referendum”, produced by Samadrusti Television, was also a major highlight of the festival. The documentary contained video recordings of the gram sabha proceedings in which the Dongrias vented their anger against the mining proposal in Niyamgiri in their mother tongue Kui. The tribal people relived their experiences after watching the documentary with rapt attention.
Spearheading the agitation is the Niyamgiri Suraksha Samiti (NSS), an association of the tribal people who live in the villages in the hill range. The Samiti came into being after London-based Vedanta signed its first memorandum of understanding with the government of Odisha to establish a one million tonne per annum (mtpa) capacity alumina refinery at Lanjigarh.
In fact, the Dongria Kondhs did not initially realise the gravity of the situation when Vedanta started felling trees for laying roads to the hilltop. A clear picture only emerged when Chief Minister Naveen Patnaik laid the foundation stone for the proposed alumina refinery before the 2004 Assembly elections when environmental clearance for the project had not yet been obtained.
Soon, the agitation grew in strength after some tribal activists leading the rebellion were arrested by the police on false charges, while the Naveen Patnaik government went on defending the company’s refinery, claiming that the company had not violated any environmental laws. Progressive commissioning of the refinery started in 2007.
The State government-owned Odisha Mining Corporation (OMC) and Vedanta had formed a joint venture company to extract bauxite for the refinery from Niyamgiri. While Vedanta has a 64 per cent stake in the venture, the OMC owns the remaining 26 per cent stake.
Subsequently, the company made plans for a phase-wise expansion of the refinery from one to six mtpa. Given that scenario, had the mining lease been granted, the 72 million tonne bauxite reserves in Niyamgiri would have lasted barely four years.
The N.C. Saxena Committee and the Usha Ramanathan Committee appointed by the Ministry of Environment and Forests (MoEF) and the Central Empowered Committee (CEC) appointed by the Supreme Court had all documented the blatant statutory violations on the part of Vedanta. It was pointed out that the company had commenced construction work for the expansion of its refinery even before obtaining clearances from the MoEF.
Various other instances of violation and non-implementation of the Forest Rights Act, the Forest (Conservation) Act, the Environmental Protection Act, the Panchayats (Extension to the Scheduled Areas) Act and ancillary laws impelled the Saxena Committee to observe in 2010 that the proposed expansion was “an expression of the contempt with which this company treats the laws of the land”. The CEC had made similar findings in its reports in 2005 and 2007, opposing the project.
However, the Supreme Court, ignoring the CEC’s recommendations, allowed Sterlite Industries (India) Limited, at present known as Sesa Sterlite Limited (a Vedanta subsidiary), to undertake mining in Niyamgiri in 2008. Later, in 2010, the Stage-II environment clearance given to Vedanta was rejected by the MoEF in the light of the findings and recommendations of the Saxena Committee. The rejection order was challenged by the OMC in the Supreme Court.
The apex court, on April 18, 2013, while recognising the rights of the Dongrias to worship their Niyam Raja, directed the Odisha government to convene gram sabhas in the affected villages to decide whether mining bauxite in Niyamgiri would affect their religious and cultural rights in any way. It directed that if the villagers decided that such rights would be affected, those rights must be preserved and protected.
What followed then made history as India’s first environmental referendum. The Dongrias and other villagers asserted their community rights over the entire Niyamgiri range.
“We worship and depend on the Niyamgiri for our existence,” said Lada Sikaka, president of the NSS. That was how the tribal people won the first major battle. But at the Parab this year, they vowed to strongly oppose any move by the Modi government to hand over Niyamgiri to Sterlite in the years to come.
Although the MoEF had made it clear that there would be no mining in Niyamgiri after the gram sabhas conducted in the 12 villages in the hills vehemently opposed the joint move, the tribal people now fear that the Modi government may take a pro-corporate stand by reviewing the previous Congress-led United Progressive Alliance government’s decision on the issue.
In case the Modi government begins the process for handing over Niyamgiri to Vedanta, NSS leaders are prepared to approach the apex court, which had ordered the referendum.
The NSS is also thinking of approaching the court to seek the dismantling of the controversial alumina refinery being run by Sterlite since it adversely affects the ecology and causes severe health hazards for people living in the vicinity. The people also feel insecure because of the very presence of the refinery so close to their villages.
In the wake of their uprising, the peace-loving Dongrias have been living under threat of police violence as the police have already arrested a few tribal people, accusing them of having Maoist links. Lada Sikaka too was not spared by the police. He was taken into custody in August 2010 and physically tortured for four days before he was let off after they took his signature on a piece of blank paper.
In one such recent incident, Haribandhu Kadraka, an activist of the Lok Sangram Manch that supports the cause of the Dongrias, was accused of having links with left-wing extremists and was arrested by the Rayagada police on October 20, 2014.
After Kadraka was arrested, a large number of villagers staged a demonstration outside the Muniguda police station seeking his release. Three days after the protest, the inspector in-charge of the police station was transferred. Kadraka, however, continues to be behind bars.
At a time when combing operations for extremists are being carried out in the region, the helpless Dongrias are finding themselves sandwiched between the police on one side and the so-called Maoists on the other. This has forced the Dongrias to oppose even the laying of pucca roads to their hamlets. They fear that the construction of such roads will not only facilitate the police forces to terrorise them but also open the doors to bauxite miners.
All that they expect from the government is the procurement of the forest produce they grow or collect during the different harvesting seasons. “We are self-sufficient in foodgrains, which we grow on the hills in different months of the year. All we need is a little cash to meet our other needs and this can happen if the government agencies can procure our surplus produce such as pineapple, jackfruit, turmeric, neem and mangoes,” said Lada Sikaka.
With innocence writ large on his face, Sikaka wondered about the sudden eagerness of the government to ensure “development” of the Dongrias. “Where was the government in the past till Vedanta started eyeing our heavenly habitat? How can it take away our hills from us? Had it created these hills? These hills are ours. The soil is ours and it belongs to us, the people, and not the government.”
Sikaka wonders whether any government, by any model of development, can ensure what Niyamgiri has provided the Dongrias. “Niyamgiri has remained our lone source of life, livelihood and happiness. No government or company can ever replace it,” said Sikaka, adding that the Dongrias would never allow mining in the hill range.

Monday, February 23, 2015

Tribals, activists burn copies of land acquisition Ordinance

PRAFULLA DAS
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Activists and tribals burning the copies of the Ordinance.– Photo: Special Arrangement
Activists and tribals burning the copies of the Ordinance.– Photo: Special Arrangement
Hundreds of Dangaria Kandha tribal men and women joined a large group of anti-displacement activists of the Niyamgiri Suraksha Samiti atop the Niyamgiri hills in Odisha’s Kalahandi district on Sunday and burnt copies of the land acquisition Ordinance recently promulgated by the Narendra Modi Government.
“Pro-corporate”
The tribals and activists, who came together at the end of the three-day annual Niyam Raja Parab atop the hills, resolved that they would continue to oppose the “pro-corporate” Ordinance till it is withdrawn.
The activists announced a State-wide agitation against the Ordinance that they say goes against the Forest Rights Act rendering the Gram Sabhas powerless.
Copies of the Ordinance were also burnt by many people’s organisations at various places across Odisha simultaneously to strengthen their opposition to the Centre’s move.
The tribals, who won their battle against mining of bauxite from Niyamgiri hills by Vedanta for its existing one million tonne per annum capacity alumina refinery, also vowed to strongly oppose any move by the Centre to consider handing over of Niyamgiri to the company in the future.
The Samiti is also opposed to the existing alumina refinery which is being run by Sterlite Industries Ltd, a Vedanta group company, as the same is adversely affecting the ecology in the area. The Samiti is contemplating to move the court of law seeking permanent closure of the refinery, said Samiti leader Lada Sikaka.
The annual cultural festival is being organised in a big way since the anti-Vedanta agitation by the Niyamgiri Suraksha Samiti gained strength several years ago. It is attended by tribals from 112 villages in the Niyamgiri hills.

Wednesday, February 18, 2015

The Rebirth in Puri

BY PRAFULLA DAS IN PURI
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Puri is getting ready to host over five million devotees and also a huge number of tourists during Nabakalebara, the life-force-infusing ritual in the Jagannath cult, in July. By PRAFULLA DAS in Puri

ODISHA is gearing up to celebrate this millennium’s first Nabakalebara festival of Lord Jagannath in the pilgrim town Puri, which will culminate with the annual rath yatra on July 18.
Nabakalebara is a 65-day-long rare and elaborate ritual of Lord Jagannath, Lord Balabhadra, Devi Subhadra and Sudarshana relinquishing their old bodies (idols) and assuming new ones. The previous Nabakalebara was held in 1996.
Over five million devotees are expected to converge on Puri this year to witness the event, which is envisaged to be one of the largest congregations of people, in not just India but the world.
Nabakalebara is the most significant ritual in the Jagannath cult since it infuses life force. “Naba” means new and “kalebara” means body or cover in Sanskrit.
The deities are known as “Daru Brahma”, meaning Brahma (divine life force) in the form of wood. Hence, they are prone to decay and require a changeover to new bodies. Nabakalebara is the ritual of bringing about this metamorphosis. It signifies the Hindu belief that when the body gets old, the soul (Brahma) relinquishes it to accept a new one.
Nabakalebara takes place only during the Adhikamasa (intercalary month) of Ashadha, when two lunar months of Ashadha fall in one year, as per the Hindu almanac. Such a rare occasion usually occurs once in 12 years, but the gap may range from eight to 19 years. In the 20th century, Nabakalebara was celebrated in 1912, 1931, 1950, 1969, 1977 and 1996.
Banayagnya Yatra
Nabakalebara is preceded by the Banayagnya Yatra, which begins on Chaitra Shukla Dashami (March 29 this year), with 50 temple servitors beginning their journey in search of four suitable trees from which the deities will be carved. After seeking permission from the King of Puri, they go to Goddess Mangala’s temple at Kakatpur, a village 50 kilometres away, to seek Her blessings, whereafter She reveals the exact locations of the suitable trees.

No ordinary tree can be felled for this purpose. The daru (wood) for Jagannath has to be obtained from a neem tree that must be 7-12 cubit high and dark-coloured and has marks of a shankha (conch), chakra (disc), gada (mace) and padma (lotus). It must have a straight trunk and four clear branches. It should have neither creepers nor bird nests on it; it should not have been hit by lightning. It should be surrounded by trees like varuna, sahada and bilva. There should be an anthill and snake-holes at the foot of the tree. It must have grown near a river or pond or a crossing of three pathways. It is ideal if it is surrounded by mountains on three sides. It is good if there is a cremation ground or a temple of Siva or a hermitage nearby.
Different requisites have to be strictly followed for the demarcation of trees for carving the other three deities as well. The trees are spotted, worshipped and then felled and pulled by wooden carts to the Jagannath Temple. They are bathed on Snana Poornima simultaneously with the old deities, following which the temple is closed to the public.
Fifty maharanas (carpenters) carve the darus within 21 days, after which the new idols are perambulated around the temple. Then, the new and the old idols are placed facing each other, and the Brahmapadartha is transferred from the chests of the old idols to that of the new ones. This is done secretly in the dead of night by three of the oldest servitors with blindfolded eyes and tied hands, since no one is allowed to see or touch the Brahmapadartha. It is believed that anyone who touches or sees it is bound to die; so a blackout is ordered in the entire Puri town that night.
Considered dead, the old deities along with all peripheral deities used in the chariots during rath yatra are taken to Koilibaikuntha and buried. The Daitapati servitors who treat Lord Jagannath as the head of their families then observe all the funeral obsequies for 10 days and then bathe and offer a feast on the 12th day.
The new deities are then covered with Saptavarana, that is, seven substances—sandalwood paste, musk, resin, silk, etc.,—and painted by the chitrakaras (painters) using indigenous colours.
However, they do not paint the pupils of the deities. That is finally done by Brahmins during Netrotsava, the final life-infusing ritual, which is followed by Nabayauvana Darshan to the pilgrims. The next day, the deities are taken out for the famous rath yatra. Though the Nabakalebara rituals are yet to start, the process for the construction of the three chariots for the forthcoming rath yatra has already commenced with the rituals performed on the eve of Basanta Panchami on January 24.
Apart from taking steps to complete the painting of the main temple and the temples of the other deities in the temple complex, the Shri Jagannath Temple Administration has started the process for the procurement of the rare, expensive items required for the Nabakalebara rituals. About 1.1 kilograms of kasturi (musk), 10 quintals of sandalwood, 14 quintals each of jhuna (frankincense resin) and basunga silk cloth, huge quantities of timber, brass containers, earthen pots, sesame oil, ghee, coir and hundreds of other items have to be procured.

Administrative measures
As Nabakalebara is expected to attract millions of devotees from different corners of the world, the Odisha government is trying its best to make the mammoth event a grand success. According to preliminary estimates, it will spend around Rs.1,000 crore for infrastructure development in Puri and adjoining areas.
Chief Minister Naveen Patnaik has directed the government departments concerned to complete pending projects in Puri before Nabakalebara. He has also been persuading various Central government departments to complete the pending projects in the region before the festival.
The district administration has been asked to improve the sewerage system in Puri and earmark places where makeshift toilets can be constructed. Improvement of both rail and road connectivity between Bhubaneswar and Puri is given high priority. The Chief Minister has sought the intervention of Prime Minister Narendra Modi for the augmentation of railway infrastructure.
The infrastructure development committee set up for the festival, which is headed by former Minister and Puri legislator Maheswar Mohanty, has been conducting regular meetings to review the progress of the work. Stress is also laid on expediting the four-laning of the Puri-Bhubaneswar National Highway ahead of the festival. The construction of roads connecting the railway station and the bus stand has been speeded up. The district administration has been asked to sort out all issues relating to the acquisition of land for infrastructure development.
The authorities are planning to upgrade the Puri district headquarters hospital and other health centres in and around the town before Nabakalebara. A few electric substations are being set up to ensure uninterrupted power supply to the town during the festival.
Officials in charge of promoting tourism in the State are hopeful that this year’s Nabakalebara will give a big boost to the sector. They are leaving no stone unturned to woo tourists by showcasing the rich cultural heritage of Odisha. The State government’s Departments of Tourism and Culture are prioritising Nabakalebara not just in Odisha but also at various national and international fora. The festival was highlighted by a high-level delegation from Odisha Tourism at The New York Times Travel Show held in New York recently.
The renowned sand artist Sudarsan Pattnaik, who has been made the brand ambassador of Odisha Tourism, created an impressive sand sculpture of Lord Jagannath and some heritage monuments at the travel show in which the Odisha pavilion drew an enthusiastic crowd.

The Departments of Tourism and Culture and other agencies involved are also busy developing the tourism sector by taking all possible measures for the timely completion of various projects at many other tourist destinations across Odisha to attract more tourists in the Nabakalebara year. Almost all the tourist destinations in and around the temple city of Bhubaneswar are being given a facelift as are other locations such as the Buddhist heritage sites at Ratnagiri, Udayagiri and Lalitgiri, which form the Diamond Triangle of Odisha. Impressive improvement in road, rail and air connectivity in recent years has helped Odisha augment its tourism potential.
The Tourism Department has prepared a blueprint to draw the attention of people across the globe. A Nabakalebara Cell has been set up at the newly constructed office of the Tourism Department in Puri. A documentary on Nabakalebara is also being made.
All hotel rooms in Puri have been booked for the festival period and the government is trying its best to make adequate alternative arrangements to cater to the requirements of devotees and tourists. If people coming to witness Nabakalebara return happy, it will give a huge impetus to tourism in Odisha.

Sunday, January 11, 2015

Tribals unite against liquor and dowry

PRAFULLA DAS
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An awareness drive against trading of liquor has been undertaken.FILE PHOTO
An awareness drive against trading of liquor has been undertaken.FILE PHOTO

These factors were pushing the Dongria Kondhs into debt trap

: After their resolute opposition to bauxite mining that caught the world’s attention, the Dongria Kondh tribals living in the Niyamgiri hill range spread over Kalahandi and Rayagada districts of Odisha, have embarked upon another round of struggle to make their villages free of liquor and dowry.

Since these were two major factors affecting their lives and pushing them into a debt trap, the tribals living in the hill range have joined hands to fight the two social evils.

The community leaders, who are overseeing the self-conceptualised campaign, are keeping an eye on tribals returning home after consuming liquor at far off places.

First environmental referendum

The drive is being spearheaded by the Niyamgiri Suraksha Samiti, which was instrumental in uniting the primitive Dongria Kondh tribals to oppose bauxite mining in Niyamgiri in the Gram Sabhas — dubbed as the country’s first environmental referendum.

The leaders and activists of the Samiti have been visiting 112 villages in Niyamgiri area requesting people not to consume either country-made or Indian made foreign liquor as it affects them financially and destroys peace in their families.

According to Lingaraj Azad, veteran tribal activist and advisor of the Samiti, they have largely succeeded in preventing trading of IMFL as well as manufacturing and trading of country liquor in remote hilltop villages.

However, there has been no restriction on consumption of Salap and Khajuri Tadi, the traditional brew that the locals collect by placing clay pots atop trees. However, trading in such brew too has been banned, with the people agreeing to the request of the Samiti activists.

The Samiti, according to Mr. Azad, has taken up the awareness drive against liquor in all sincerity, since the tribals were being won over by political parties during elections as well as by those trying to weaken their agitation against bauxite mining in Niyamgiri.

Bride money is another menace that the Samiti is fighting by making girls aware of its impact on the groom’s family. As per the practice, the brides in the region demand a ‘bride price’ for getting married. Over the years, the token bride price has become a burden as the groom’s family has to cough up about Rs. 30,000, if poor, and around Rs. 1,00,000, if rich — as the price of the wedding feast.

Since the amount is very high considering the average annual income of the tribals, the Samiti is trying to convince the villagers to organise mass wedding ceremonies to prevent unnecessary expenditures, said Azad.

Tuesday, September 30, 2014

ODISHA

Strengthening base

Prafulla Das
AS the Sangh Parivar works to strengthen its base in Odisha with an eye on the 2019 elections, a sense of apprehension continues to oppress the minority community across the State.
Six years after Kandhamal district witnessed the worst ever anti-Christian violence, more than 5,000 Christian people who had left Kandhamal in August 2008 are yet to return to their homes. The violence had followed the murder of the VHP leader Swami Lakshmanananda, allegedly by Maoists. Church activities have slowed down drastically after two rounds of anti-Christian violence in Kandhamal in 2007 and 2008. The Sangh Parivar is now working in an organised way to counter the churches in the tribal-dominated regions.

Many of the BJP’s national leaders have visited the State in the past few months. The Parivar seems to be adopting the tactics that had benefited the BJP in rural Bihar and Chhattisgarh. BJP leaders have identified 35 Assembly seats that are reserved for the Scheduled Tribes and another 15 Assembly seats that have more than 25 per cent tribal voters.
Now with a BJP government at the Centre, an elated Parivar has decided to increase the number of Ekal Vidyalayas, one-teacher schools, by ten times in the tribal areas. Ekal Vidyalayas, funded by the Friends of Tribals Society, are being strengthened with the appointment of one supervisor for 10 such schools, to impart non-formal education to tribal children not attending regular schools. Those managing the affairs of the Parivar are happy that in Kandhamal and Boudh districts, the majority of Sanskrit teachers working in the schools belong to the tribal Kondh community and were educated in the two Ashram schools that were run by the late Lakshmanananda.
Besides, the Parivar is also planning to unite and strengthen the Saraswati Shishu Mandir schools across the State. With the Shishu Mandirs emerging as an alternative to the poorly managed government schools, many dissident Shishu Mandir schools have come up in all parts of the State in recent years. The Odisha BJP organising secretary, who is on deputation from the RSS, is likely to take charge of the Shishu Mandir schools before the next elections.
In fact, as many as 40 Sangh Parivar outfits are covertly trying their best to polarise Odisha on communal lines. Using Odisha as a Hindutva laboratory, the Parivar had succeeded in polarising the State after the Kandhamal riots in 2008, but the BJP did not separate itself from the Biju Janata Dal (BJD) immediately after that. As a result, the party failed to get votes when the BJD broke the alliance a few days before the 2009 elections.
The anger that Chief Minister and BJD president Naveen Patnaik had generated in the minds of BJP leaders in 2009 has not died down. Hence, Parivar workers in the rural areas are all charged up following Narendra Modi’s assumption of office as Prime Minister. In a State where Muslims and Christians hardly have a presence, they try to make the BJP’s hands stronger by wooing Dalits and taking up issues relating to the Jagannath temple in Puri.
When there was a rift between the administration and the Shankaracharya of Puri with regard to the rituals surrounding the Rath Yatra in the recent past, the Parivar organisations as well as BJP leaders sided with the Shankaracharya. An organisation has now started working in Puri in the name of cleanliness and for the closure of liquor and meat shops in the temple town.
No other party has so many outfits working with different social groups in Odisha. The Sangh Parivar and the BJP, meanwhile, carry on with their determined efforts to make their organisation broad-based by inducting people from Other Backward Classes and Dalit and tribal groups.

Thursday, July 24, 2014

Probe into Kandhamal riots nowhere near completion

Probe into Kandhamal riots nowhere near completion
PRAFULLA DAS
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Truth about the anti-Christian riots in Odisha’s Kandhamal district in 2008 may not come to light even after the arrest of top Maoist leader Sabyasachi Panda as the Commission of Inquiry probing it is likely to complete the inquiry only after one and a half years from now.

Though the police have named Panda as the main accused in the murder of Vishwa Hindu Parishad leader Lakshmanananda Saraswati that triggered riots and the case may take a few years to be disposed of in the court, the Commission is still in the process of examining the witnesses. The final report of the Commission is likely to bring out the truth about the circumstances leading to the murder and the subsequent riots that claimed at least 30-odd lives and burning down of hundreds of houses.

The one-man probe panel, being headed by retired Orissa High Court judge Justice A.S. Naidu, is taking more time primarily due to lack of cooperation from the Odisha government as well as witnesses who had filed affidavits before it, official sources told The Hindu on Saturday.

In fact, the Commission, which was set up in September 2008 under Justice Sarat Chandra Mohapatra, had not received a single affidavit initially even after it published two advertisements seeking information about the murder and the riots.

The Commission is probing the sequence of events and circumstances leading to the murder of Saraswati at his Jalespata ashram in Kandhamal between 7 50 p.m. and 8 15 p.m. on August 23, 2008.

The panel is also probing the role of individuals in precipitating the murder and the subsequent riots, and also the role of organisations, groups and agencies precipitating the communal violence and measures taken by the State government in anticipation of the riots.

It had started receiving affidavits only after it requested all District Collectors in the State to circulate the notice about the probe that requiring people to file affidavits.

Though the VHP leader was allegedly shot dead by Maoists on August 23 evening, riots broke out in different parts of Kandhamal after Mr. Saraswati’s funeral procession was taken out from Jalespata ashram to Chakapada ashram located at the other end of the district by the Sangh Parivar on August 25.

The parivar alleged that members of the Christian community were behind the murder of Mr. Saraswati.
The Commission, which received 750 affidavits from both government and private persons, has so far examined 65 government officials, including top police and administration staff, and as many as 170 private witnesses, including BJP leader and Union Tribal Affairs Minister Jual Oram.

Many private witnesses were yet to be examined and more government officials may be examined if their names figured during the examination of any witness in the coming days, sources said. The Commission had submitted an interim report to the State government in June 2009 when Justice Mohapatra was heading it.

Justice Mohapatra passed away in May 2012 after which Justice Naidu had taken charge.



  • Commission still examining the witnesses
  • Lack of government cooperation alleged


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    Thursday, May 29, 2014

    Conjurer of Odisha

    Surpassing its own expectations, the Biju Janata Dal led by Naveen Patnaik romps home with 117 of the 147 Assembly seats. By PRAFULLA DAS in Bhubaneswar

    THE scale of the victory of the Biju Janata Dal led by Naveen Patnaik in the Lok Sabha and Assembly elections held simultaneously in the State has taken many by surprise. The incumbent Chief Minister was seeking a fourth consecutive term in the face of anti-incumbency and rebel factors.
    The BJD won 20 of the 21 Lok Sabha seats and 117 of the 147 Assembly seats. In the 2009 elections, the party won 14 Lok Sabha seats and 103 Assembly seats. Significantly, its vote share in the Lok Sabha elections increased from 37.24 per cent in 2009 to 44.1 per cent this time and the vote share in the Assembly elections from 38.86 per cent to 43.4 per cent. Patnaik has taken the oath as Chief Minister for the fourth consecutive term, thereby creating a record. He is the first leader to become Chief Minister of Odisha for four times, and in a row.
    Given the fact that both the Congress and Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) were way behind the BJD in terms of strength, popularity and leadership, nobody had doubts about its victory. But even BJD leaders admit in private that they too were surprised by the outcome.
    Almost all the winners in the BJD credit Patnaik with leading the party to an emphatic victory. Many of the leaders who were expecting to win by a few thousand votes have won by margins of 20,000 votes and more.
    The BJD president’s magic touch was evident in the earlier elections too. In 2009, his close aide in the party, Pyarimohan Mohapatra, accurately predicted that the party would win 103 Assembly seats. This time also, Patnaik’s close aide and party vice-president Kalpataru Das claimed that the party’s Assembly seats could go up to 120. He was not way off the mark.
    What kept Patnaik’s party ahead of both the Congress and the BJP was his continuous effort to build a sense of regional identity among Odias living in and outside the State. It is another matter that Patnaik himself cannot read, write or speak Odia. The few instances he has made speeches in Odia in public have been with the help of texts transliterated into English.
    In the absence of other strong regional parties, Patnaik was also successful in projecting himself and his party as the champions of the cause of the State, notwithstanding the fact that 14 years of his rule had not brought about any significant change in Odisha’s status as the country’s most backward State.

    If Narendra Modi promised good days ahead and succeeded in making the BJP emerge victorious at the national level, Patnaik, since he assumed power in the State for the first time in March 2000, has been making promises of building a prosperous Odisha that his father, Biju Patnaik, had dreamt of. The people of Odisha reposed their faith in him and were expecting that Biju babu’s dreams would be fulfilled by his worthy son some day.
    The anti-Centre stand adopted by Patnaik since the Congress-led United Progressive Alliance assumed power in New Delhi in 2004 also worked in Patnaik’s favour. Even though the Union government conceded various demands of the State government and announced many pro-poor schemes, Patnaik continued to allege that the Centre was adopting a step-motherly attitude towards Odisha.
    Patnaik’s government implemented Central schemes such as the Pradhan Mantri Gram Sadak Yojana, the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme, the National Rural Health Mission and the Jawaharlal Nehru National Urban Renewal Mission and he took the entire credit for their success. He pitched in with his resources from the exchequer to provide rice at Re.1 a kg to woo the voters.
    Furthermore, Patnaik succeeded in strengthening the party’s social base with a lot of other measures. A large number of below poverty line (BPL) families remained indebted to the BJD as Patnaik launched a series of pro-poor schemes that covered the entire lifespan of an individual. More than 57 per cent of the population live below the poverty line and the percentage of poor is higher among Dalits and tribal people.
    Gender bender
    After his party’s victory, Patnaik thanked women, who had voted for his party in large numbers despite an increase in the number of rape and other crimes against women.
    Ensuring 50 per cent reservation for women in all the 100-odd urban local bodies across the State last year made him popular among women voters. Besides, there are thousands of women’s self-help groups.
    Even as his government tried its best to facilitate the Vedanta Aluminium’s refinery project in Lanjigarh and created a situation conducive for the eviction of hundreds of tribal people to make space for bauxite mining in the Niyamgiri hills which is considered sacred by the Dongria Kondh tribals, Patnaik in February announced a Rs.12 crore package for the protection, conservation and development of 2,000 places of worship of tribal people. They constitute 22 per cent of the State’s population.
    It is common knowledge that hundreds of thousands of tribal people who had been displaced to make way for industries are still awaiting rehabilitation.
    Patnaik also kept the hopes of the poor alive by repeatedly demanding from the Central government a special category status for Odisha. With an eye to the elections, his party held a rally in New Delhi last year to highlight the demand, much like the one organised by former Bihar Chief Minister Nitish Kumar.

    What helped Patnaik the most was a faction-ridden Congress. The main opposition party in the State was a divided house before the elections. The infighting cost it dear and its vote share in the Assembly elections dropped from 29.10 per cent in 2009 to 25.7 per cent in 2014. It won 16 Assembly seats as against its tally of 27 in 2009 and won no Lok Sabha seat (six seats in 2009).
    The BJP, too, lacked organisational strength in the State. However, backed by the Sangh Parivar organisations that became active after Modi was named the BJP’s prime ministerial nominee, the saffron party became successful in increasing its vote share, from 15.05 per cent in 2009 to 18 per cent in 2014. It won a Lok Sabha seat (nil in 2009) and 10 Assembly seats (six in 2009).

    In the Chief Minister’s chair for the fourth time, Patnaik is gearing up to fulfil many of the promises that he had not been able to keep in the past even as opposition parties are busy putting their houses in order.

    The lost Jews of Churachandpur

    Prafulla Das DECEMBER 02, 2017 00:15 IST UPDATED:  DECEMBER 02, 2017 21:00 IST SHARE ARTICLE   1.62K  43 PRINT A   A   A ...